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Taking Credit for Gravity:
Dear Neighbors, It didn't take long for silly season to start after the Legislative Session ended April 14. Expect a few years of "abracadabra" claims that oil projects, already being developed under ACES (the oil tax law that has been in place since 2007) are now magically the result of the massive rollback of Alaska's share of oil revenue (an approximate $1.5 billion per year revenue reduction at $120 per barrel at a time when Alaska is already facing deficit spending). Senate Bill 21 is the oil tax bill that the oil companies, Governor, and his allies succeeded in pushing through the Legislature in April. The claims are, politely put, "flawed" in most cases. In one case, the claim is a head-scratcher to those in the industry - according to two industry sources who don't want to go on the record yet (oil industry folks don't speak publicly against other oil industry folks if they are going to continue to get contracts). Folks in the industry have been told since the beginning of the year that ConocoPhillips was bringing a newly leased drilling rig to their large Kuparuk field. The Governor and ConocoPhillips touted this rig – three days after SB 21 passed - suggesting it was contracted for because of the newly passed bill. Hmmm. I guess we'll have to wait for the facts to unfold on this one, as I can only tell you what industry folks in the know have relayed to me. Who knew I'd ever have "deep throats"? This rig seems part of ConocoPhillips's two-year-old expansion plan for Kuparuk, aimed at getting more oil out of this 20 plus year old field that was once the second largest field on the continent. It is still one of ConocoPhillips's most profitable, with major known reserves that the company does not plan to leave in the ground. An analysis of these claims and projects follows – based on the documents we have so far. Side note alert! Since everyone else has, you should ignore the inconsistency in claims that this year's oil bill by the Governor was promoted as the best thing ever for North Slope production, but was radically different from last year's Governor's bill which was promoted as the best thing ever for North Slope production, and was even more radically different than the best thing ever bill promoted by the Governor in 2011. The 2011 version, at a relatively minor revenue reduction of $250 million per year, increased existing field tax credits for Exxon, BP and ConocoPhillips. Those smartest ever tax credits, which the Governor wanted to increase in his 2011 and 2012 bills, are instead completely eliminated in the 2013 bill. Hmmm. Do you think it's possible they just wanted to pass a bill, and not come up with the logically smartest approach? Main Point Alert! Sorry for the digression. Here's the unfortunate truth that will lead to unprecedented spin by oil companies, and their political allies, including some opinion writers like Tim Bradner who sometimes write oil company-sided opinions as "news". Those who supported SB 21 will want to show that it's working. They'll claim vegetation on their Chia Pet grew, or the sun went down yesterday because of SB 21. A smart oil company will try to keep the new generous tax reductions by saying the new bill is responsible for all of its new investment. Politicians who supported the bill have the same incentive. It's time for some facts. SB 21 Proponents Take Credit for Invention of the Chia Pet, and that the April Passage of SB 21 Led to Investment that Was Already Happening Inconvenient Truths: For those of you who prefer a short summary, well, I can't do that this time. But you can skim the Section Titles Below! I will discuss below projects that were in fact moving forward under ACES and before SB 21 was passed to address some oil company and SB 21 proponent and other spin. But as a preliminary matter, I need to quash the oil company and Administration "straw man" argument that those who opposed SB 21 supported the "status quo." The status quo is what ConocoPhillips says is a production decline of roughly 2-3% a year, but that the Administration exaggerated, to pass it's bill, as a 6-7% production decline. So, let's get rid of spin effort # 1: I was not a proponent of just leaving the status quo in place. I helped write and sponsor legislation and amendments the past two years for changes to ACES that would work, but not cost the state its ability to fund basic services. We could and should have passed production and investment incentives that mirrored what a sophisticated corporation would approve to protect its shareholders – before giving away $1 - $1.5 billion per year in your revenue. The bill and amendments I and others offered would have incentivized new oil production at an acceptable cost, not a radical one. Our bill and amendments required new investment, in Alaska, in exchange for reasonable – and not fiscal cliff-creating – tax relief. We offered reasonable breaks on the production of new fields, and new pools of oil in existing fields (for 5-7 years so companies could recoup their up-front investments). Our version also offered a lower tax, and research and development credits on more difficult heavy oil of which Alaska has 1.8 billion barrels of producible reserves since more research is needed to put major amounts of heavy oil into production. We also offered minor tax relief on Alaska's very profitable elephant fields (only at very high prices where ACES arguably taxed too high). ConocoPhillips has conceded major tax relief is not needed in these fields. They've told investors in conference calls these fields create "strong cash margins... [and] very good rates of return." ConocoPhillips earned $2.3 billion in profit in Alaska last year under ACES. And we kept the law no one talks about – allowing major reductions in company royalty payments if a company proves it needs that tax break to make a field economic. That is, prove you need a tax break, and you get one. Unfortunately, the major part of the bill that passed does the opposite. It imposes a tax rate on profits at elephant fields that ranges, before the deduction of tax credits, from 25% - 35% and the elimination of Alaska's windfall profits share that, under ACES, modestly raised taxes at very high profit levels and high oil prices. The SB 21 tax rate would not reach the 35% maximum until unprecedented prices of $150 per barrel. See chart here. SB 21 allows $800 million - $2 billion per year in Alaska revenue (assuming $110 - $130 per barrel oil prices) to be given as oil tax rebates to ExxonMobil, British Petroleum and ConocoPhillips. See ADN article here. That portion of the law – eliminating Alaska's windfall profits share – contains no requirement that these companies spend the money from this break in Alaska. Alaskans should share fairly in windfall profits when companies generate record and near record profits at high oil prices. That won't happen under SB 21, and that's why you're facing a fourth year of teacher and educational staff cuts across the state. That might become the norm – along with reduced construction and other jobs given the massive budget deficits SB 21 will cause. Tax Rate On Oil Found In The Future Is Among The Lowest In The World: And under SB 21 any new investment in "new oil", if it comes, will come at an unrecoverable cost to Alaskans. ACES, at recent prices of $100 to $110 per barrel, taxed on average at around 37% after deductions and credits (it rose above its 25% base tax rate on profits only after companies earned in excess of $30 in profit on a barrel of oil). At higher prices the ACES rate, because of the windfall profits tax component, would be higher as would corporate profits. But it's been replaced by one that taxes any "new" oil that went into production starting in 2011 at a rate, before the deduction of tax credits, of roughly 12% to 21% assuming prices of $100 - $130 per barrel. That's one of the lowest tax rates in the world, and will, despite claims to the contrary by some SB 21 proponents, likely require an additional 70,000 - 90,000 new barrels per day, and another new 70,000 - 90,000 new barrels per day be added every year just to break even with the revenue that would be produced by ACES. That's not likely to happen. Paid consultants supporting SB 21 used some fuzzy math to put this figure at an additional 55,000 new barrels per day every year by using false assumptions to minimize the money ACES will generate in the future, and therefore minimize the amount of oil that will be needed to reach ACES revenue levels. See ADN article here. An independent expert will be needed to give us a better estimate of the exact amount of new oil that will be required just to earn the revenue ACES would earn over the long term. Legislators didn't have those this session – we had paid consultants who worked with the Administration and their allies to push SB 21. Those consultants offered spin and rabid defenses of SB 21, instead of objective answers during hearings. Those "New" Investments Oil Companies and Their Political Allies Are Touting Here are the early projects oil companies, the Governor, and their allies are claiming result from the April 2013 tax change; projects that, with one maybe, maybe, maybe possible exception, were being developed under ACES. These projects involved leases purchased before SB 21 passed, and major investments made before SB 21, and major plans that were announced before SB 21 passed. It's hard to claim you invested tens or hundreds of millions of dollars in projects under ACES with no intention of developing them, or with some hope that after you invested tens or hundreds of millions of dollars, tax laws would change. Companies don't do that. But that's what you're being told.
I'd like some time to see corporate minutes, and internal documents, to evaluate some of the "new investment" claims you'll constantly see to justify the passage of SB 21. But that's a wish. Though, I guess, maybe it wouldn't hurt to ask. Maybe I'll write. But, like SB 21's promises, that request might rest on a hope, wing and prayer. My Best,
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