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Mathemagics
What’s going on
We’re in the home stretch, but the
horses are running in slow motion.
The oil production tax bill is in the House and Senate Finance
committees, which are – as Finance Committees will – taking
their own sweet time. The House committee has the most optimistic
schedule, which would send a bill to the Rules Committee Saturday
night. Because things never, ever go as fast as predicted in the
legislature, that probably means a bill will move sometime Sunday.
Everyone expects that the Finance Committee bill will be different
from any previous version, so people will need time to read it
and try to understand it.
The current plan is to go to the floor on the same day the bill
passes. Sunday will be the 25th day of the session. If
people are persnickety about it, we could spend three days on
the bill (second reading, third reading, reconsideration). We’d be at day 27, leaving
three days to reconcile differences with the Senate and pass a
final version. (Four days if everything goes right and the bill
gets to the House on Saturday.) So, at best, it’s going to
be a close call.
And we may not do anything at all. The
oil companies don’t
want us to increase taxes and, scandal or
no scandal, they are still a potent political force.
Anything could happen, and it probably will.
Extension, si or no
The time crunch caused one of those waves
that sometimes ripple through the Capitol on Wednesday. Suddenly,
everybody wanted to know if we can extend the session beyond
30 days. Some people thought we could extend for three days.
Others thought it was 10. Turns out, we can’t extend at all. The constitution sets the limit
for a special session at 30 days. Period. Don’t ask me why.
The only alternatives would be for the legislature to call itself
into a new special session, or for the governor to do it for us.
Calling ourselves in takes a two-thirds vote of the legislature,
or 40 votes. The voting is done by a poll.
The governor can call us in by proclamation.
The constitution puts no limits on her ability to do that. Last
year, we passed a law that says she has to give us 30 days notice,
unless we are already in session or she acts within an hour of
adjournment. I think the law’s a nice try, but if it is
challenged the constitution will win, meaning Sarah
Palin can call us anydamntime she wants to.
Tax law 101
Okay, now I’m going to try to explain
the way the oil production tax works. Try not to hurt yourself
if you nod off during this explanation and go face down in your
Cheerios.
At the close of business Wednesday, a
barrel of Alaska oil was selling for $94.87. Under a net tax
system, you have to deduct the costs of producing that barrel
to get its taxable value. We don’t really know what those costs are, since the
first claims under the current Petroleum Profits Tax haven’t
been audited. But the number most everyone uses is $23 ($16-$17
production costs, $6-$7 transportation costs). So the taxable value
of that barrel of oil would be $71.87.
If only it were that simple.
The current tax law has ways a company can reduce
how much it pays to the state, what are called tax credits.
So the taxable value could be significantly lower. When people
talk about the tax law offering incentives for investment,
one of the things they mean is that a company that invests
will pay lower taxes.
But let’s stick with $71.87. The current
law sets the production tax rate at 22.5 percent, so the state
would take $16.18. The federal government would take about
35 percent of what’s left, and the company would send
the rest to the home office as profit.
If only it were that simple.
The current law contains provisions that
raise the tax as the value of a barrel of oil increases. That’s
called progressivity. Right now, the tax rate doesn’t
start going up until the value of a barrel of oil reaches $40
over its production cost; in this example, $63. The progressivity
rate is one-quarter of 1 percent per dollar, and it applies
to the amount over $63; in this example, $31.87.
I’d try to do the math and get a final result,
but I’d just embarrass myself. Besides, if you don’t
know what a company is claiming in the way of credits, you
can’t know the final result anyway.
The real point of this simple-minded explanation
is this: There are many places the law can be changed to either
increase taxes or decrease them. The allowable deductions could
be changed. The base rate could be changed. The progressivity
could be changed in several ways (where it begins, the so-called
trigger point, how fast it rises, called the slope, and whether
it is applied to the net value of the barrel or the gross value).
The credits could be changed.
Or several things could be changed at
once, with results that aren’t immediately obvious unless you’ve
had at least the basics of this pounded into your skull like
I have. Just one example. We could raise the base rate and
claim we’re increasing taxes, but lower the progressivity
and/or expand the credits and not really raise taxes at all.
Ain’t politics grand?
Or the whole net tax system could be thrown
out and we could apply a gross tax, which is easier to understand
and harder to manipulate. Call me a foolish dreamer, but I’m
still thinking that’s what we should do. But will we?
That’s looking less and less likely.
Oh, and did I mention that this doesn’t
account for other taxes the state levies on oil? And the royalties
we get? I’d try to explain all that to you, but even
I’m getting sleepy.
Another milestone
The woman who lets me live with her and
I celebrated our 37th wedding anniversary on Wednesday. Not much
of a celebration, actually, since I am in Juneau and she is in
Anchorage. This is the first time we’ve been apart on our anniversary.
I’d complain, but I actually volunteered for this duty.
As my friend Harry
Crawford would remind me, “You knew it was a snake
and you picked it up anyway.”
More later,
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